This study applied feminist ethnography to understand the work identity of women in the fishing process under the economic change. The Fishing community, Tung-shin, a more traditional remote fishing community from Chia-Yi County, is selected for this study. The results show that the work identity of female breadwinners in this fishing community is credited to three factors, including: (1) Womanizing labor value from the labor regime. Because of the significant sexual division in the labor regime, the contributions of women have always been devalued. Female labors approve themselves by womanizing labor value.(2) Slowing the gender-order rearrangement in the labor market. Women's  works have become more and more important in the decline of economic development. In order to protecting their working opportunities, women does not confirm the labor value of male labors, especially whom are unemployed.(3) Restructuring the labor consensus of housework cooperation from the group-based work. Based on voluntary servitude in the group-based work, women restructuring their labor consensus for sharing the burdens of housework to each other.

       From 2000 to 2002, labor organizations and labor-rights advocates in Taiwan were involved in two transnational solidarity campaigns in cooperation with North American anti-sweatshop movement in support of Central-American trade unionists: the Chentex Campaign in Nicaragua and the Tainan Enterprises Campaign in El Salvador. This article summarizes the context, the process and the influences of the campaigns on three aspects -- political-economic transformation, social movements, and geopolitics—in three locales—North and Central America and Taiwan. Using the experience, the author discusses the current situation of the weakening of national labor regulation regimes and the possibility of transnational regimes. Also examined are the popular discourses about the decline of the state and the rise of transnational civil society in the age of globalization. Implications of the emerging transnational regime of "corporate social responsibility" for labor movements are evaluated using the campaign experience. The author finds it partly useful but neither possible nor desirable to replace the existing national institutions of labor regulation: national labor-law regime and the regime of industrial relations based on collective bargaining. Also discussed with the case history are the institutions that may potentially play the role of transnational labor regulation regime, including labor-rights clauses in international trade organizations and agreements, ILO conventions and arbitration mechanisms, and possible cross-border jurisdictions of national laws. They are found impossible to substitute for national-level labor regulation regimes for their lack of adequate enforcement power and not automatically bringing desirable outcomes for national labor movements. Capitalist globalization has indeed brought working classes in far-flung places much closer together than before. Responses from labor movements in various countries created rich potentials for transnational solidarity actions, and these actions often encourage positive transformations for national labor movements. However, at this moment, the most important spatial framework wherein labor struggles to take place and take effect is still the nation state. The struggles take place under the constraints of social-political histories of particular nation states, and, in term, transform the national-level social-political structures. In this light, the author examines the recent political discussions in Taiwan about the crisis of democracy under the "post-authoritarian" condition, and calls for deepening the hitherto highly normative discussion with empirical data from history and social-movement practices.

       Since Chinese-speaking horror film has provoked a fashionable current starting with "Mr. Vampire" series 1985, a semiotic turn emerged from original folklore esoteric elements of the China tradition to exquisitely invented new cultural reality. This turn challenges the cultural experience of the audiences. Beginning year 2000, horror film such as "The Eye" as turned into not as fear-provoking as traditional style like "Mr. Vampire" anymore, but more constituents of anxiety regarding the new age. From the style, we can extricate some innovation tracks of discourse, and thus to gaze the process of semiotic metamorphosis of viewers themselves.

　Since the 1980s, Hong Kong cinema has given rise to a particular sub-genre around the figures of undercover cop which proliferate in movies with diverse themes and styles. The paper argues that its emergence is closely related to Hong Kong's peculiar colonial historical background and the corresponding cultural and political formation. As political and cultural metaphors, the figures and stories of undercover can enhance our understanding of the complexity involved in Hong Kong people's identity and subjectivity. They can also illustrate the changing structure of feelings both in the period of the late British rule and post-1997.